Anthony Fauci could reasonably have looked forward to a peaceful retirement, bolstered by pride in his lifetime of public service, when he stepped down in 2022 after a long career in charge of America’s National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases.
Now aged 85, Fauci was the scientist-administrator who for decades led the global response to viral threats (the real kind), including HIV-AIDS, Ebola and all manner of flu-like diseases including Covid. In 2008 George W Bush awarded him America’s top gong, the Presidential Medal of Freedom, for his work on AIDS relief. At the time of his retirement, he was everyone’s champion.
Well, almost everyone’s. President Donald Trump took a dislike to his chief Covid advisor in the pandemic’s early stages, when with good reason Fauci responded negatively to Trump’s thought-bubbles around treatments and “cures”.
Fauci had other enemies. Anti-vaccination conspiracy theorist Robert F Kennedy Jr wrote a book about him, The Real Anthony Fauci (2021). The book promotes unproven COVID-19 treatments including hydroxychloroquine and ivermectin, while accusing Fauci of abuse of power. Kennedy, who has no medical qualification, is now Trump’s health secretary.
Rand Paul, eye surgeon, US senator and another enemy, wrote another book about Fauci titled Deception: The Great Covid Cover-up (2023). Defying genetic data tracing all initial Covid cases to a Wuhan food market, indicating a natural zoonotic spillover, he accused Fauci in the book of concealing evidence that the virus was engineered in a nearby scientific laboratory.
With these powerful men wanting Fauci’s scalp, on leaving office last year President Joe Biden granted him a pre-emptive pardon. But that didn’t stop Paul, as chair of the Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, calling him in a fortnight ago to answer questions.
Primed by his lawyers to avoid giving the Republican majority on the committee any space for further attacks on his reputation, and citing Paul’s “obvious obsession” with seeking to put him “behind bars”, Fauci used his constitutional right to decline to answer any questions. In response, Paul had his committee pursue Fauci’s indictment for contempt of Congress.
Obsession isn’t too strong a term for the attitude of both these men towards Fauci. In different ways, both feel they know more about infectious diseases than most people, even including the man who had led national responses to numerous infectious disease threats since they were boys.
Their hubris seems preposterous until you remember the charged political atmosphere we all live in today. Another thing: if they can keep Fauci in the headlines there’s a good chance it will boost book sales for each of these two authors.
In the long shadow of Trump, Kennedy and Paul have assigned value to the exercise of raw power. On that subject, another author has something to say. The story of power is the story of despair, Richard Flanagan said on ABC radio at the weekend, and we should never look to power to define us.
We are living at a time when the need for impartial public service of the kind represented by Fauci – not to mention the many thousands of government employees sacked under Trump 2.0 – has never been so desperate.
In the US and Australia alike, such service is being undermined, devalued, even ridiculed by political and corporate interests seeking to protect power and profit by maligning and if possible eliminating regulation and other potential obstacles to their success – including, notably, taxation.
Tolerating these attacks on the people charged with upholding principles that underpin civil life, including the rule of law and the primacy of science, is to condemn one’s country to a dog-eat-dog future in which everyone loses, including ultimately the perpetrators of those attacks.
What the tech-bros and other enablers of strongman politics miss, repeatedly, is that to oppose the machinery of good government as they do is to bite the hand that feeds them – to destroy what has brought them to where they are. They might continue to profit under an autocracy, but such oligarchs often end up emigrating to where the air is breathable.
A final word from Flanagan: In the preface to his new book, Heresies, he describes the Spanish Inquisition’s procedures for marking heretics before burning them at the stake, including use of the “sanbenito”, a sleeveless vest emblazoned with a large X that heretics were forced to wear.
“And so it is perhaps fitting,” he continues, “that the same X that crossed out the words of heretics on their sanbenitos… is today the name of the most popular vehicle of the new inquisitors, the social media platform formerly known as Twitter and now called X.”